The Importance of a Future to be hoped in Building a Free Market

The concept of the Special Economic Zone was a stroke of genius. Its most important feature may have been its very ambiguity, which gave the market room for imagination and the possibility of envisioning a hopeful future.

Author: GUDORDI |  2025-02-06

A free market cannot be established in a short time, but must be nurtured through many generations of evolution and development. (Shutterstock)
A free market cannot be established in a short time, but must be nurtured through many generations of evolution and development. (Shutterstock)
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「產權界定是市場運作的先決條件。」
“The delimitation of rights is an essential prelude to market transactions.”

──高斯(Ronald Coase,英國經濟學家)

Although the term “free market” has today become familiar to almost everyone, understanding its true nature, how it can actually be established, and how its power can be fully unleashed is far from simple.

How deeply does humanity truly understand this immensely important issue at present?

The Free Market Is Supported by a Vast Cultural Foundation Behind It

The economic reform experiences of Eastern Europe and Russia in the 1990s seem to suggest that humanity may still hold many misunderstandings — and perhaps even naïve assumptions — about the free market.

In today’s economics textbooks and academic papers, cultural and institutional factors are rarely emphasized. Yet if we accept the perspective previously cited by Alan Greenspan, then we would likely agree that a free-market economic system driven by entrepreneurial innovation is actually supported by a vast underlying foundation of capitalist culture and institutions. This includes laws, customs, behavioral norms, and many different forms of business ethics.

None of these can be built overnight. They emerge only through generations of evolution and development. Attempts to artificially replicate only the outward form often result in systems that possess appearance but little vitality — let alone any real spirit.

Historical experience shows that many Latin American and developing countries once copied the American Constitution and legal frameworks almost word for word. Yet the resulting systems often became awkward imitations lacking the deeper foundations that made the originals function effectively.

Why Did Ronald Coase Continue to Admire the Free Market Despite Fully Understanding Its Flaws?

This leads to an important insight: building an institutional system is extraordinarily complex. One of the most important works in modern economics may be Ronald Coase’s 1960 paper The Problem of Social Cost, for which he later received the 1991 Nobel Prize in Economics.

Many readers, when studying this landmark work, feel they have grasped its essence by page seven, because it is there that Coase introduces the famous Coase theorem — the idea that if transaction costs are zero, clearly defined property rights will lead to a Pareto efficiency outcome regardless of the initial allocation of rights. To many, this appears to summarize the paper’s core argument, whose underlying spirit seems to favor the free market.

There is no doubt that Coase admired the free market. But believing the market is nearly omnipotent reflects only a superficial level of understanding. To continue admiring the free market while fully recognizing what it cannot achieve, and while deeply understanding its limitations, represents an entirely different level of insight.

If Coase truly believed the market was all-powerful, then why did he title the paper The Problem of Social Cost rather than The Solution to Social Cost?

It is also worth noting that the paper exceeds twenty-three pages, yet Coase introduces the theorem by page seven. If the theorem alone represented the paper’s entire essence, why devote more than twice as much additional space afterward?

Midway through the paper, Coase shifts direction and carefully examines numerous real legal cases involving social costs and externalities in practical settings. At first glance, these legal discussions may appear tedious, leading many readers to skip over them. But perhaps the first seven pages are merely an introduction, while the real problem only begins afterward.

The most important conclusion may lie in the title of the final chapter: “Change of Approach.”

Lessons from the Shenzhen Experience

Different people interpret what Ronald Coase meant in different ways. The author’s own interpretation is that the establishment and evolution of legal systems, market conventions, and behavioral norms are necessary steps for reducing transaction costs, defining property rights, and facilitating the development of a market system.

Perhaps we can also use this perspective to reexamine Shenzhen’s experience in the past and the lessons it may offer to Hong Kong today.

Shenzhen’s strategy for economic reform can, in some sense, be understood as having no fixed strategy at all. “Reform and opening-up” was itself a broad and highly abstract concept. In practice, how exactly should the country open up? How should reform be carried out? There was no detailed blueprint. Much of the process involved “crossing the river by feeling the stones” — advancing step by step and adapting along the way.

However, the concept of the Special Economic Zone was a stroke of genius. Its greatest strength may have been precisely its ambiguity, which gave the market room for imagination and allowed people to envision a hopeful future. Even things that were impossible elsewhere in China did not seem entirely impossible in Shenzhen. Many issues could be handled pragmatically according to actual conditions and common sense.

This was extremely important for building a market system, because it meant that Shenzhen’s legal structures, conventions, and institutions could evolve under market pressure or adapt in response to market signals.

The author will discuss this further in the next article.

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