The British King’s Parliamentary Speech Holds Great Historical Significance
In summary, the author believes that the British King’s recent speech before the U.S. Congress deserves serious attention. This is not only because of its profound historical significance, but also because King Charles III expressed at least five major concerns and warnings in his address.
Author: GUDORDI | 2026-05-26
美國的建國之父是一些勇敢和富有想像力的叛逆者，並且是有着他們自己要追求的理想⋯⋯透過平衡相互競爭的力量以及從多元性中取得力量，他們將十三個不同的殖民地團結起來，嘗試建立了一個革命性的以「生命、自由與追求幸福」為理念基礎的國家。他們承載並傳承了英國啟蒙運動的最偉大的遺產，而在此之上，還有那有着更深遠歷史淵源，隱含在英國普通法和大憲章 （Magna Carta） 中的理想。
The Founding Fathers were bold and imaginative rebels with a cause…By balancing contending forces and drawing strength in diversity, they united thirteen disparate colonies to fore a nation on the revolutionary idea of “life， liberty and the pursuit of happiness”…They carried with them, and carried forward, the greatest inheritance of the British Enlightenment ──as well as the ideals which had an even deeper history in English Common Law and Magna Carta…
──King Charles III
The author was very impressed by the British King’s speech delivered before the U.S. Congress on April 28 this year. In the author’s view, it went far beyond a routine ceremonial address; it was carefully prepared and carried important messages that required considerable skill to convey. Prior to the speech, many significant developments—including those concerning UK–US relations and U.S. foreign policy—were at a highly delicate and sensitive stage. Coinciding with the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States, the speech became even more important and historically significant.
有評論指出演講反映英國王室正在盡最大努力，詮釋和維持英美之間的所謂特殊關係。（白宮）
Mainstream Interpretations Focus Primarily on Diplomatic and Political Dimensions
The author believes that this speech should go down in history as an important event of the 21st century, although opinions may differ regarding its exact nature and significance. Former U.S. President Bill Clinton praised it as “diplomacy at its sharpest.” Other commentators have suggested that the speech reflects the British Royal Family’s efforts to interpret and preserve the so-called special relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States, while also seeking to establish an appropriate role for post-Brexit Britain on the global stage. These diplomatic and political perspectives are the most common interpretations of the speech.
Such views certainly have their grounds. However, upon deeper reflection, they may not fully capture the entire substance of the address, nor necessarily its most important aspects. It is worth noting that, after centuries of constitutional monarchy, the British Royal Family possesses little real political power and has long accepted the limitations of royal authority. Consequently, regarding many of the diplomatic and political challenges currently facing Britain, the monarchy can do little more than make its best efforts, fully aware that it cannot be expected to bring about real significant change.
It is also worth noting that King Charles III undertook this visit to the United States despite considerable domestic opposition. This suggests that, beyond diplomatic and political considerations, the speech may have been motivated by broader and more significant concerns.
A Warning from a Veteran Participant and Observer of History
Exactly what King Charles III intended to convey in his speech is a highly complex and profound question. The author does not intend to enter that debate, but would like to offer a somewhat different perspective for understanding and reflecting on the address. Specifically, the speech can be viewed as the reflections of a seasoned observer and participant in history—someone expressing his understanding of the fundamental nature of the United States and offering advice regarding the country’s current circumstances.
A strong sense of history runs throughout the entire speech. As King Charles III himself stated:
今天站在這裏，我很難不感受到壓在肩上的歷史重擔──因為我們兩國以及人民之間的現代關係已跨越了逾四個世紀之久。一想到我已是我這一脈的第19位英國君主每天都研究、關注美國的事情時，真是令人感到不可思議。
Standing here today, it is hard not to feel the weight of history on my shoulder──because the modern relationship between our two nations and our own peoples spans not merely 250 years, but over four centuries. It is extraordinary to think that I am the 19th in our line of sovereigns to study, with daily attention, the affairs of America.
Although the speech contained many diplomatic courtesies and formalities, King Charles III was clearly not there to flatter the Trump administration. On the contrary, at the very beginning of his address, he quoted the famous words of Oscar Wilde:
We have really everything in common with America nowadays except, of course, language.
This may have been a subtle and vivid way of signaling, right from the outset, that the British Royal Family holds views that differ from those of the United States on many issues.
英王強調英美兩國之間最是有着深厚的歷史文化淵源。（白宮）
The British Royal Family Gives a Definitive Interpretation of the Nature of American Independence 250 Years Ago
Self-Deprecation from a Participant in the Epic Struggle Between Civil Rights and Monarchical Power
The fourth point is perhaps the most important. If we are familiar with the history of Britain and the United States and reflect more deeply on it, we may agree that the ideals King Charles III referred to—those rooted in English common law and the Magna Carta of 1215—represent a grand historical struggle between civil rights (symbolized by parliamentary supremacy) and royal authority (symbolized by the doctrine of the divine right of kings). This was a dramatic, often bloody conflict that lasted nearly a thousand years. Significantly, the very family of Charles III stood as one of the principal representatives of royal authority in that struggle.
In his speech, Charles III noted that he is the 19th successor in this royal lineage, whose first ruler was Charles I, who reigned from 1625 to 1649.
It is worth remembering that Charles I was the king who firmly upheld the divine right of kings, led troops into Parliament, and was ultimately accused of violating the laws and liberties of the English people. He was tried and executed. Together with the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and the Bill of Rights of 1689, these events laid the foundation for Britain’s constitutional monarchy, based on the principles that the monarch is not above the law and that Parliament—representing the rights of the people—holds supreme authority.
Thus, Charles III belongs to the side of royal authority that historically lost power and privilege. His family was therefore not merely an observer of this history but one of its central participants. Viewed in this light, his lighthearted reference near the beginning of the speech to Britain’s continuing “hostage tradition”—where a Member of Parliament is ceremonially held at the royal palace while the monarch visits Parliament to ensure the sovereign’s safe return— indeed carries a historical and symbolic significance which is much larger than it may first appear .
For it suggests that the modern British monarch has willingly accepted the course of history, acknowledging that royal power must be constrained, and recognizing the legitimacy of America’s pursuit of independence.
1689年的英國《權利宣言》。（Wikimedia Commons）
1791年的美國《權利法案》。（Wikimedia Commons）
1. Executive Power Must Be Subject to Constraints and Checks and Balances
Most importantly, when these four points are considered together, the message conveyed by the British Royal Family becomes even more compelling. Taken as a whole, the author’s interpretation is that, through humor, self-deprecation, and reflections on the centuries-long history of cooperation between Britain and the United States, King Charles III subtly expressed at least five concerns and pieces of advice for the American people.
The most evident of these is likely found in the following passage from the middle section of the speech, which prompted members from different political parties throughout the chamber to rise and applaud simultaneously:
這些淵源（1689年的英國《權利宣言》和1791年的美國《權利法案》之間的深厚關連），甚至可以追溯到更久遠的歷史：根據美國最高法院歷史學會統計，自 1789年以來，英國《大憲章》在美國最高法院個案中被引用了至少160次，其被引用的重要地方，應是包括作為「行政權力需要受到約束和制衡」這重要憲制原則提供基礎。」
And those roots go even further back in history: the U.S. Supreme Court Historical Society has calculated that Magna Carta is cited in at least 160 Supreme Court cases since 1789, not least as the foundation of the principle that executive power is subject to checks and balances.
2. Respect the Authority of Congress and the Will of the American People
The second point that deserves attention, in the author’s view, is that King Charles III repeatedly emphasized that he was speaking before the United States Congress, an institution whose defining characteristic is that it represents the people. As Charles III stated in his own words:
我今天懷着最高的敬意來到美國國會；這裡是民主的堡壘，它代表全體美國人民的聲音，致力於推進美國人民那神聖的權利和自由。
So, I come here today with the highest respect for the United States Congress； this citadel of democracy created to represent the voice of all American people to advance sacred rights and freedoms.
尊敬的第119屆各位美國國會議員，正是在這間大廳裡，自由精神和美國建國先賢的承諾，得以在每一次會議和每一次投票中體現。國會的決定並非只是源自一人之意，而是眾多議員深思熟慮的結果，是反映着他們作為美國這幅生動畫卷的代表人的綜合意願。
…Distinguished members of the 119th Congress, it is here in these very halls that this spirit of liberty and the promise of America’s Founders is present in every session and every vote cast. Not by the will of one, but by the deliberation of many, representing the living mosaic of the United States.
It is worth noting that parliamentary supremacy forms the foundation of Britain’s constitutional monarchy. One of King Charles III’s ancestors was tried and executed precisely because he was accused of violating that principle. When viewed against this historical backdrop, the remarks quoted above—though seemingly casual and offhand on the surface—may carry far greater weight than they first appear to.
For they may well reflect that the British Royal Family really has great unease regarding a number of current developments in the United States.
查理斯三世說，為了保衛烏克蘭及其最勇敢的人民，我們需要同樣的堅定決心──為了確保真正公正持久的和平，我們需要這種決心。（Shutterstock）
3. International Cooperation on Issues Such as the War in Ukraine and Climate Change
If the first two points can be regarded as concerns about fundamental principles, then the third point relates to specific issues. These include the war in Ukraine, climate and environmental challenges, and the security of NATO member states. King Charles III addressed these matters in the following terms:
議長先生，今天，為了保衛烏克蘭及其最勇敢的人民，我們需要同樣的堅定決心──為了確保真正公正持久的和平，我們需要這種決心。
Today, Mr. Speaker, that same, unyielding resolve is needed for the defence of Ukraine and her most courageous people──it is needed in order to secure a truly just and lasting peace.
從大西洋深處到北極災難性融化的冰蓋，美國武裝部隊及其盟友的承諾和專業知識是北約的核心，他們承諾互相防禦，保護我們的公民和利益，使北美和歐洲人民免受共同敵人的侵害。
From the depths of the Atlantic to the disastrously melting icecaps of the Arctic, the commitment and expertise of the United States Armed Forces and its allies lie at the heart of NATO, pledged to each other’s defence, protecting our citizens and interests, keeping North Americans and Europeans safe from our common adversaries……
Although King Charles III deliberately sought to downplay the differences between the United States, the United Kingdom, and the broader international community when discussing these issues, it is likely that every listener understood that significant disagreements do exist. The author’s view is that the British Royal Family does not really agree with the current positions adopted by the Trump administration on these matters.
4. Concern Over America’s Growing Tendencies Toward Self-Centeredness and the Use of Power to Dominate Others
This leads to the fourth concern and piece of advice expressed by King Charles III: the tendency toward American self-centeredness (or inward-looking attitudes) and the use of power and strength to impose its will on others. As with the other issues, the King addressed this topic with considerable care and diplomatic skill. His remarks were phrased in the following manner:
我們今天正處於一個新的時代，但那些價值觀（支持英美雙方在二戰期間， 共同抵禦法西斯主義入侵歐洲和全球的共同信念和價值觀） 依然存在。就許多方面而言， 今天是一個比我已故母親於1991年在這個議院中作演說時的世界，更不穩定、更危險的時代。
Today, we find ourselves in a new era, but those values remain. It is an era that is, in many ways, more volatile and more dangerous than the world to which my late Mother spoke, in this Chamber, in 1991.
我們所面臨的挑戰，對任何一個國家來說， 都是太過艱鉅和無法單獨承擔。但在這個不可預測的環境中，我們的聯盟不能僅依賴過去的成就，也不能假設支持有關聯盟的基本原則會自動自然延續。
The challenges we face are too great for any one Nation to bear alone. But in this unpredictable environment, our alliance cannot rest on past achievements, or assume that foundational principles simply endure.
我全心祈禱，希望我們的聯盟能不斷繼續， 並與我們在歐洲、英聯邦，以及全球的夥伴，一起捍衛我們共同的價值觀，並且不理會那些呼籲我們要變得愈加自我的聲音。
I pray with all my heart that our alliance will continue to defend our shared values, with our partners in Europe and the Commonwealth, and across the world, and that we ignore the clarion calls to become ever more inward-looking.
我們今天的相遇是在一件事情發生後的不久，而這事情發生的地點距離這座宏偉建築不遠，這事情的性質是試圖傷害貴國領導層，並煽動更廣泛恐懼與紛爭。且讓我以堅定不移的決心宣告：這類的暴力行為是永遠不會成功的。
We meet, too, in the aftermath of the incident not far from this great building that sought to harm the leadership of your nation and to foment wider fear and discord……Let me say with unshakeable resolve: such acts of violence will never succeed ……
查理斯三世表示，英美的防務、情報和安全部門一直緊密聯繫結合。（英國國皇查理斯三世Facebook）
Mutual Military Support Between the United Kingdom and the United States
It is also worth noting that King Charles III took the opportunity to clarify several points, one of which was that military support between the United States and the United Kingdom is a two-way relationship. It is not a case of one side being solely dependent on the other or existing merely under the other’s protection. As Charles III stated in his own words:
我們的防務、情報和安全部門一直緊密聯繫結合，而這些關係牽涉的時間之久，不是以年計，而是數以十年計。如今，數以千計的美國軍人、防務官員及其家屬駐紮在英國，同時英國人員也以同樣的自豪在美國三十個州服役。
Our defense, intelligence and security ties are hardwired together through relationships measured not in years, but in decades. Today, thousands of U.S. service personnel, defense officials and their families are stationed in the United Kingdom, as British personnel serve with equal pride across thirty American states.
Britain Once Attempted a Small-Scale “Real Estate Redevelopment” of the White House
In light of the themes presented throughout the speech, the joke King Charles III made at the White House state dinner that evening does not appear to have been spontaneous. Rather, it seems to have been carefully prepared. Charles III said:
總統先生，您最近評論說，如果不是美國，歐洲國家現在都要在說德語。我敢說，如果不是有我們，你現在可能要說法語⋯⋯當然，我們大家都非常喜愛我們的法國親戚⋯⋯
You recently commented, Mr. President, that if it were not for the United States, European countries would be speaking German. I dare say that, if it wasn’t for us, you’d be speaking French⋯…of course, we both love our French cousins greatly……
Along this line, one may say that the “real estate redevelopment” joke Charles III mentioned during the dinner at the White House, was also something that has been carefully prepared. The original words of King Charles III were as follows:：
在此場合，我不得不留意到東翼的調整，總統先生。我必須很抱歉地說，我們英國人在1814年也對白宮進行過小規模的房地產重建嘗試。
On this occasion, I cannot help noticing the readjustments to the East Wing, Mr President. I’m sorry to say that we British, of course, made our small attempt at real estate redevelopment of the White House in 1814.
Importantly, the background to the events of 1814 was that the United States sought to annex Canada and had invaded what is now Toronto, setting fire to the Parliament buildings there. In response, British forces later advanced into Washington and burned the White House as an act of retaliation.
As is well known, Donald Trump has publicly referred to Canada as if it were another state of the United States, while proposals for expansions or alterations to the White House have themselves been the subject of considerable debate regarding whether they truly serve America’s national interests.
When viewed in light of this historical and political context, King Charles III’s joke takes on a deeper significance and can be seen as both clever and carefully crafted.
查理斯三世演說結尾，可理解為英國王室的憂慮，亦可理解為它嘗試向美國國會和人民提出忠告。（白宮）
5. The World Will Never Forget What We Have Done
It is equally noteworthy that King Charles III chose the following words to bring his speech to a close:
美國的言辭一直都是具分量和意義，自獨立以來，已一直如此。這偉大國家的行動當然是更具分量和意義。林肯總統對這一點是非常理解，正如他在權威的蓋茲堡演說中所言：這個世界可能未必會注意我們說過什麼話，但就永遠不會忘記我們做過什麼事。
America’s words carry weight and meaning, as they have since Independence. The actions of this great nation matter even more……President Lincoln understood this so well, with his reflection in the magisterial Gettysburg Address that the world may little note what we say, but will never forget what we do.
The Global Political, Economic, and Financial System Is Undergoing a Period of Profound Transformation
In summary, the author believes that King Charles III’s recent address to the U.S. Congress deserves serious attention. This is not only because of its profound historical significance, but also because the King expressed at least five major concerns and pieces of advice throughout the speech. These observations come from the British Royal Family, which has observed the development of the United States for 19 generations and over 400 years. More importantly, they suggest that certain concerns may have grown to a point where the Royal Family felt compelled to speak out.
It is worth noting that, since its founding, the United States has generally been reluctant to become deeply involved in European—or what might be called Old World—affairs. Blessed with vast territory and abundant resources, America does really possess the capacity to pursue a more self-sufficient and isolationist path. In many respects, the last 80 years of U.S. history have been the exception rather than the rule within the broader 250-year history of the nation.
The role played by Britain in bringing about this departure should not be underestimated. Indeed, one could argue that Britain was one of the principal forces behind America’s emergence as a globally engaged power and its deeper involvement in international affairs.
Britain Was a Key Architect of the Post–World War II Global Political, Economic, and Financial Order
Looking back, Britain likely understood that it lacked the capacity to sustain the European war effort on its own or to maintain its position as the world’s leading power indefinitely. As a result, it employed every available means to persuade President Franklin D. Roosevelt and senior members of the U.S. government to become involved in the European war and global affairs more broadly, and eventually to take on the responsibility of rebuilding the international political, economic, and financial order after World War II.
In this sense, the entire post-WWII global political, economic, and financial system was built around the United States as its central pillar. At least during the early stages of that system’s development, Britain can be seen as one of the principal forces working behind the scenes to promote and shape it.
What makes this particularly significant is that an understanding of the historical background behind the creation of the post–World War II international order helps explain why King Charles III’s speech before the U.S. Congress is so important. The author’s view is that it could indicate an awareness within the British Royal Family that both the United States and the global political, economic, and financial system are entering a period of major transformation. Furthermore, the concerns arising from these changes may have become serious enough that the King felt compelled to offer a number of warnings and pieces of advice.
甘迺迪是美國歷史上一位很特別的總統。
（Wikimedia Commons）
The Chances of America Producing Another President Like Kennedy Are Extremely Slim
It can be argued that changes to the post–World War II global political, economic, and financial order—and to the role of the United States within it—are ultimately inevitable. The real questions are more about the scale and direction of those changes, and whether a new international system can be established that is both effective and balanced.
From the perspective of Britain and the British Royal Family, the most desirable outcome would naturally be the emergence of another American president comparable to John F. Kennedy —a leader possessing a broad vision for the future of human society and the international order. As King Charles III stated in his speech:
我們兩國在數個世紀中建立的聯盟──據此我們對美國人民深表感謝──確實是獨一無二的。這個聯盟正是亨利·基辛格所描述的肯尼迪那高瞻遠矚的大西洋夥伴關係的一部分，而這大西洋夥伴關係是建立在歐洲和美國這兩大支柱之上。議長先生，我相信這夥伴關係，今天比以往任何時候都更加重要。
The alliance that our two nations have built over the centuries──and for which we are profoundly grateful to the American people── is truly unique.
And that alliance is part of what Henry Kissinger described as Kennedy’s ‘soaring vision’ of an Atlantic partnership based on twin pillars: Europe and America. That partnership, I believe Mr. Speaker, is more important today than it has ever been.
However, John F. Kennedy was a highly unique figure in American history. The likelihood of the United States producing another leader of similar character and vision—and that such a person would successfully become president—is extremely slim
As a result, Britain and the British Royal Family are likely already considering their own strategies for adapting to the changes that lie ahead. More broadly, it is reasonable to expect that countries and institutions around the world may eventually need to do the same. Otherwise, they risk finding themselves unable to secure a suitable place within whatever new global political, economic, and financial order that may emerge in the future.
